Sovereignty and investment are the keys to a strong partnership with Saudi Arabia

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In his article published in Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper, October 14, on the eve of his visit to the capital, Riyadh, Iraqi Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi presented a vision of relations with Saudi Arabia that goes beyond the limited classical image to a future partnership based on mutual interests and cooperation in the fields of security and investments, especially since Riyadh and Baghdad possess many capabilities that the two countries can exploit to strengthen ties. This is possible and impossible at the same time, as it faces a difficulty related to the issue of the structure of institutions in Iraq, and the presence of armed factions that use their equipment to attack vital and economic targets in the Kingdom, and thus constitute a security threat that requires a clear commitment from the Iraqi government to prevent these actions. This is what Mr. Al-Zaidi expressed when he said that “the Iraqi government’s firm position is not to allow Iraqi lands to be used as a launching pad for any attacks or actions that affect the security of the Kingdom and the countries of the region,” reiterating “the Iraqi government’s keenness to adhere to the principles of good neighborliness and respect for the sovereignty of the Kingdom and sister countries,” according to the statement published by SPA shortly after the meeting between Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and President Ali Al-Zaidi, in the capital, Riyadh, October 14.

Returning to Al-Zaidi’s article, we will find that it pays great attention to the concept of “national sovereignty,” as he considered it “not just an occasion for celebration, but rather a daily responsibility.”

This approach receives greater importance as it intersects with managing the state’s foreign relations, protecting economic interests, and using diplomacy to enhance the independence of national decision-making - which has been subjected to much confusion as a result of years of foreign interference and terrorist acts - and it is a perception that deals with sovereignty as the state’s ability to exercise its functions without competition from forces beyond the state!

In Iraq, what exposes “sovereignty” to fragility in many cases is the incompatibility of the government’s constitutional powers with its actual ability to control all the armed formations that imposed themselves by de facto force and support the “Quds Force.” Accordingly, the problem facing Baghdad is related to the interference of official security structures with forces that possess political influence, military capabilities, and regional relations, whose priorities conflict with the government’s sovereign decision. Therefore; The “sovereignty” that Al-Zaidi calls for requires addressing the structure of security decision-making, and ensuring that the use of force is subject to the authority of the state and its legal accountability, to the exclusion of other formations!

Al-Zaidi stressed in his article that “the security of Iraq and the stability of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are not two separate issues,” basing this on his conviction that cross-border attacks impose costs on the two countries, reflect negatively on their ability to cooperate, and create an atmosphere of popular tension.

There is also a vision presented by Al-Zaidi regarding Baghdad’s external role, as a bridge for dialogue between regional powers, as it has diverse relationships that allow it to communicate with parties that are difficult to gather in one framework. However, the effectiveness of this mediation depends on the government’s ability to implement the understandings that it helps reach, and prevent non-governmental parties from undermining them, especially since there were previous experiences during the government of Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, in which Baghdad worked to host Saudi and Iranian delegations to bring viewpoints closer, before the announcement of the “Beijing Agreement” in March 2023. However, what made the Iraqi government’s ability limited - despite Al-Kadhimi’s diligent efforts and the sincerity of the intentions of his private team, as insiders testify. On the talks at the time - is the lack of oversight and implementation mechanisms that prevent Iran's allies from carrying out hostile actions, and also the absence of guarantees that Baghdad could provide and obligate the various parties to implement the terms of any agreement.

Al-Zaidi’s proposal also includes an economic dimension, linked to the disturbances in the Strait of Hormuz, and the need to diversify trade and energy paths. Al-Zaidi also calls for “the necessity of diversifying trade paths, in a way that prevents them from being dependent on one path or a particular exceptional circumstance,” adding that “the severe disturbances witnessed in the markets, trade movement, and energy supplies, as a result of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz” have caused “damage to the economies of the region.” Accordingly, “Iraq needs a more flexible economy, based on diversifying sources of income, expanding trade outlets... and opening the way for the private sector and investment.” These legitimate Iraqi aspirations require a stable, attractive environment and modern laws that can be applied with the power of an independent judiciary. All of this automatically leads to the issue of “sovereignty and arms control.” So that investors feel reassured and the possibility of building large projects in which there are common interests for both parties.

The next stage in the reform process, which Al-Zaidi wants to strengthen, could begin with a regular security communication mechanism internally and externally with regional partners, most notably Saudi Arabia. Clear procedures for investigating cross-border attacks and holding their perpetrators accountable, exchanging intelligence information about the sources of the threat, following up on the results through the relevant institutions, and mobilizing internal public opinion supportive of these steps.

The arrangements, if they are cumulatively successful, will be in the interest of achieving two things that Al-Zaidi’s article aimed at: sovereignty and investment. In my opinion, these are two goals that Riyadh does not oppose, but rather shares Baghdad’s aspirations, and will be supportive of achieving them if there are clear steps from the institutions concerned. In order for the two countries to move beyond the stage of testing good faith, to trust and actual partnership, especially since, according to informed sources I spoke with, they confirmed that the meeting of Prince Mohammed bin Salman with Iraqi Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi was viewed in Riyadh as very important, especially in its timing, and that it clearly indicates the presence of a will on the part of Riyadh to make Al-Zaidi’s mission to extend state sovereignty a success, and to achieve a sustainable partnership with Saudi Arabia in various fields, to create a broader regional safety net, limiting the unrest that witnessed in the Middle East region.

Quoted from Asharq Al-Awsat