The Houthis and Losing Deals

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The Khomeini media machine, defending its arms in the region, insists on establishing two matters among all who belong to it; the first: that all the incidents that occur among its followers, starting from mobilizing and recruiting both young and old, and not ending with rigging boats, planting mines, and launching drones, are merely part of political work! Accordingly, they are justified within goals that are sought! Thus, it wants to distinguish its affiliated militias such as the Houthis and 'Hezbollah' from 'ISIS' and 'Al-Qaeda'. This trick comes regularly with the fluidity of the advocacy theory supported in popular occasions and sectarian festivals urging the transformation of life into a vast graveyard, and to equip the energies of all generations with memories of suicide and death, until the follower is raised to wake up ready to commemorate a dead person, instead of rising to live a useful day.

The second: to resort to political concepts as much as possible in order to evade the labels of terrorism and nihilism, and this is what the terrorist Houthi group aspires to, for example, which tries to invest in the experiences of its predecessors by using political concepts to justify its criminal acts. It is a group that wants to take care of what remains of its tribal status through various tricks, including the game of regional mediation or launching political and legal slogans on international platforms.

Previously, Mr. Yusuf Al-Dini wrote in this newspaper a piece worthy of commentary, titled 'The Yemeni Issue Becomes an International Security Matter.' Al-Dini saw: 'That Hussein Al-Houthi himself entered into intellectual disputes while building a new discourse that blends the movement mobilization known in political Islam currents, and the revolutionary reading of the text that we find some of its features in Sayyid Qutb, along with the vocabulary and slogans produced by the Khomeini revolution... Today, it can be said that the Houthi militia has even surpassed that ideological mix, and over time has transformed into a closed military and lineage structure obsessed with power and willing to pay any price to remain in it like the Muslim Brotherhood, even through dialogue with Israel. It also seeks to erode the Yemeni Arab and Islamic identity, and to reshape society and the state according to a vision that grants it an exceptional right to rule and coercive power.'

I would add that the convergence of Houthi terrorism with fundamentalist groups of various orientations and sects has contributed to covering up some of their terrorism, extending some of their hegemony, and even rooting the Houthi terrorist theory within local sectarianism and detailing it in a way that allows the group to grow tribally and mobilize its crowds internally.

The story of the convergence between the Brotherhood and the Houthis, although not understood by the ordinary member of the cadre, is suspiciously unknown to the commentator who claims 'secularism', whether he writes and appears from his European exile or from other capitals that support the Khomeini-esque terrorist rogue state.

We now see them defending themselves, as when the Houthi became satiated with investing in the Muslim Brotherhood and secured them, he now attempts to generate a 'secular' analytical state through which he can justify his terrorist actions in international circles. This political obfuscation is ideologically motivated, as was the case with 'Hezbollah' in the region, where it allied with the most powerful 'secular' Christian parties, and this party has significantly facilitated the passage of 'Hezbollah's' terrorism through the Gulf and the world.

'Hezbollah' has adopted many artists and political analysts who openly declare their atheism. It has granted them significant spaces in its channels and newspapers and has bolstered their presence in the public and official spheres, which is well-known and witnessed.

In summary, the Houthi experience is not political; rather, it has been crafted maliciously within the nihilistic suicidal path that despises its surroundings. The Houthi's attempts to refute his description as a terrorist or to justify the bombing of sacred sites come in the context of an effort to impose a more cunning and deadly terrorist experience.

While the Houthi previously relied on convergence with traditional fundamentalists, he is now attempting to initiate political alliances even with 'secularists' and 'deniers' in exchange for their support in permanently hijacking the Yemeni state.

It is an analytical deal between the Houthis and their new associates that reminds us of the defense by thinkers of Saddam Hussein's occupation of Kuwait; at that time, the late minister Ghazi Al-Gosaibi wrote "In Search of the Intellectual" (!).

Quoted from "Asharq Al-Awsat"