Will Eisenkot restore the rule of generals in Israel?

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If General Eisenkot wins and forms a new government in Israel, will this be a return for the generals to rule Israel?

Three generals preceded Eisenkot to the position of prime minister, the first of whom was Yitzhak Rabin, the second of them was Ehud Barak, and the third of them was Ariel Sharon.

Two of the three left their mark on Israel's political and military history, namely Rabin and Sharon. As for the third, Ehud Barak, he failed resoundingly, despite winning the position through direct popular elections, and receiving the most prestigious medals during his military service.

Rabin's imprint was embodied by his risk of making a settlement with the Palestinians. He was the first prime minister to do so, and he paid with his life for his risk. He was also the first prime minister to be assassinated, and the peace imprint was removed after its collapse.

Ehud Barak has an achievement recorded in his name. But in the circle of plunder, it is his failure of the last rescue effort carried out by President Bill Clinton at Camp David, which was the pivotal event that ended the path of the negotiated settlement with the Palestinians, opening the door wide to a different path inaugurated by Ariel Sharon, and it seemed as if it was establishing a unilaterally imposed settlement, which began with the unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, the construction of the separation wall with the West Bank, and the withdrawal from military and settlement sites in the Palestinian north.

What Sharon did stopped at the beginning, due to his illness, which prevented him from exercising his duties as prime minister, and when he died, the idea of ​​a unilaterally imposed settlement died with him.

The three generals were Gadi Eisenkot's bosses during his military service. Before assuming command of the army, based on his professional qualifications, no one imagined that the general was qualified to lead Israel from its highest political and leadership position.

The general, who lost his son in the Gaza war, entered the political arena in alliance with Benny Gantz, but he disagreed with him and broke up with him, to make his way independently, this time to head the government.

General Eisenkot gained wide popularity in a short period of time, and although he was not tried in civilian leadership positions as was the case with the three generals who preceded him in the first position, an important part of his popular stock was provided by his being the first candidate for prime minister of Eastern Moroccan origin, in addition to the fact that a large sector of the public joined him due to boredom with Netanyahu’s long rule, and the saying is true in his case: “It is not out of love for him; Rather, he hates Netanyahu.”

In Israel, mood and impression play an important role in bets on politicians and leaders. All the candidates to head the alternative government were tried except him, so he deserved the bet.

General Eisenkot, who gained easy and surprising popularity, will be forced, once his victory is announced, to enter into a grueling hurdles race, the first of which is the sixty-one hurdles, with a purely Zionist coalition, which polls indicate is impossible, or to overcome this hurdle with the direct support of the Arab representatives who, due to the inability of the two competing Zionist camps to exceed the number 61, have been devoted like an igloo’s egg to forming any government, and their influence will increase when the number of their representatives exceeds the fourteen.

Suppose that General Eisenkot found a solution formula, and actually formed the government, and it would be a government of leaders, not followers, then he would be put to the test of the worthiness of the change he promised. In this regard, there is something he can do, according to the authority of his majority in the Knesset, and that will be in internal affairs, such as recruiting the Haredim, forming an official investigation committee into the events of October 7, consolidating the authority of the judiciary, and other matters that fall under the title of reform. However, what the world wants from him is what he cannot, or it will be very difficult for him... So what will he do about Gaza, for example? What is the scope of the difference from the Netanyahu government regarding the war on Iran and its arms? What are the limits of change in dealing with the Palestinian Authority, and the issue of the political horizon that Netanyahu has tightly closed?

General Rabin tried, failed, and was executed.

General Sharon tried, got sick, and died, and his idea died with him.

As for the fourth general, who may become prime minister, can he leave a distinctive mark on war and politics in Israel? Or will the fleeting phenomenon of Ehud Barak be repeated?

Quoted from Asharq Al-Awsat